Burkina Faso’s military junta dismantles democratic institutions amid neocolonial resource extraction and regional instability

Burkina Faso’s pre-colonial governance systems, such as the Mossi *mogho naba* tradition, prioritized communal accountability over centralized power, offering a model of democracy that centers elders and spiritual leaders. The Fulani’s *laawol* (path of justice) and *pulaaku* (moral code) provide alternative frameworks for conflict resolution and leadership that contrast with Western liberal models. These systems were systematically dismantled by French colonial rule, which imposed centralized bureaucracies that prioritized extraction over local governance. Traoré’s rejection of democracy may reflect a rejection of its neocolonial distortions rather than an inherent incompatibility with African political traditions.

Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) has experienced repeated cycles of military coups since independence in 1960, often tied to struggles over uranium wealth and French neocolonial control. The 2022 coup follows the 2014 popular uprising against Blaise Compaoré, who ruled for 27 years after assassinating Thomas Sankara in 1987—a leader who rejected IMF/World Bank structural adjustment and prioritized self-sufficiency. France’s Operation Barkhane (2014–2022) and its successor missions have failed to curb jihadist violence while exacerbating civilian casualties, fueling anti-Western sentiment. The junta’s rhetoric echoes Sankara’s critique of neocolonial democracy but reverses his emancipatory goals.

Across the Sahel, from Mali to Niger, similar dynamics play out where military juntas frame democracy as a Western imposition while consolidating power under the guise of 'security.' In neighboring Ghana, democratic resilience coexists with deepening inequality and extractive industries, suggesting that Burkina Faso’s crisis is part of a broader pattern of democratic backsliding in resource-rich states. Indigenous African political thought, as articulated by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop, emphasizes communalism and rotational leadership—principles that could inform hybrid governance models blending traditional and modern systems. The rejection of democracy may thus reflect a search for alternatives rather than a rejection of governance itself.

Research on democratic backsliding in Africa highlights how economic shocks (e.g., commodity price collapses) and elite capture of state institutions accelerate authoritarianism, particularly in mineral-dependent economies. Studies on the Sahel show that foreign military interventions often correlate with increased insurgent violence due to civilian casualties and the erosion of local legitimacy. The IMF’s structural adjustment programs in Burkina Faso (1990s–2000s) reduced public spending on education and healthcare, fueling grievances that coups exploit. Traoré’s policies align with global trends of 'democratic recession' in resource-rich states, where elites use security crises to justify power consolidation.

Burkina Faso’s vibrant cultural traditions, from the *sourou* masked dances of the Bwa to the oral epics of the Mossi, encode resistance to centralized power and celebrate communal values. Artists like the late singer Amadou Balaké used music to critique authoritarianism, while contemporary rappers like Smockey blend traditional instruments with protest lyrics against military rule. Spiritual leaders, including Sufi sheikhs in the north, often mediate conflicts between communities and state actors, offering a counter-narrative to junta propaganda. The junta’s suppression of opposition includes bans on cultural gatherings, revealing its fear of alternative power structures rooted in art and spirituality.

Scenario modeling suggests Burkina Faso’s trajectory could follow Mali’s path toward deeper authoritarianism with Russian Wagner Group involvement, or revert to civilian rule if opposition coalitions (e.g., trade unions, women’s groups) gain traction. A 'third way' model might involve decentralized governance combining traditional leadership with elected local councils, as piloted in some Ghanaian districts. Regional integration (e.g., ECOWAS monetary reforms) could reduce dependence on the CFA franc, limiting French leverage over economic policy. The junta’s uranium nationalism could either fund development or trigger further foreign intervention, depending on global energy demand shifts.

Women’s groups like the *Balai Citoyen* have been at the forefront of resisting both coups and jihadist violence, yet their demands for inclusive governance are sidelined in mainstream narratives. Rural communities, particularly Fulani pastoralists, bear the brunt of both state repression and Islamist attacks but lack representation in junta decision-making. Youth movements, inspired by Sankara’s legacy, organize protests against military rule but face violent crackdowns and internet shutdowns. The junta’s ban on political parties disproportionately affects opposition figures from marginalized ethnic groups like the Gurunsi and Lobi, who have historically challenged Mossi-dominated elites.