Sudan’s war weaponizes sexual violence: Systemic militarization of gendered harm as state collapse enables impunity for armed factions

Sudanese Indigenous knowledge systems, such as those of the Nuba or Fur peoples, historically framed sexual violence as a violation of communal harmony, with restorative justice mechanisms like *diyya* (blood money) or communal reconciliation ceremonies. These systems are being eroded by state collapse and Islamist militarization, which impose punitive Sharia-based laws that further marginalize women. Indigenous women’s groups like the *Women’s Development Association* in Darfur have documented how traditional healers and midwives provide critical support to survivors, yet their roles are excluded from international aid frameworks.

The use of sexual violence as a weapon in Sudan dates to the Mahdist War (1881–1898), where British colonial forces and Mahdist armies systematically raped women to break resistance. During the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983–2005), the Janjaweed militias—later rebranded as the Rapid Support Forces—systematized rape in Darfur as a counterinsurgency tactic, with 60% of displaced women reporting sexual violence. The 2019 revolution briefly disrupted this pattern, but the 2021 coup and subsequent war have revived it, mirroring patterns seen in Algeria’s civil war (1991–2002) where Islamist militias used sexual violence to enforce gendered social control.

Comparative studies show that in conflicts where state structures collapse (e.g., Democratic Republic of Congo, Bosnia), sexual violence becomes a 'low-risk, high-reward' tactic for armed groups due to impunity and the breakdown of legal systems. In Liberia’s civil war, women’s peacebuilding networks like the *Women in Peacebuilding Network* leveraged traditional women’s councils (*Sande*) to mediate conflicts and reintegrate perpetrators, reducing cycles of violence. Similarly, in Sudan, women’s groups like *No to Women’s Oppression* have used Islamic feminist interpretations to challenge militarized masculinity, arguing that Quranic principles of justice (*‘adl*) and mercy (*rahma*) are incompatible with rape as a weapon.

Research from the *London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine* (2022) confirms that sexual violence in conflict zones correlates with the presence of small arms, weak governance, and economic shocks—factors all present in Sudan. A 2023 study in *BMJ Global Health* found that survivors in Sudan report higher rates of PTSD and HIV due to delayed medical care, with 80% of cases linked to armed group checkpoints. The WHO’s *Guidelines for Clinical Management of Rape Survivors* emphasize the need for integrated services, yet only 12% of Sudanese health facilities offer such care, reflecting systemic neglect of gender-based violence as a public health priority.

Sudanese artists like *Al-Saddig Al-Mahdi* and *Noura Satti* use poetry and visual art to depict the embodied trauma of war, framing sexual violence as a 'specter of the past' haunting the present. Traditional Sudanese *zār* healing ceremonies, which blend Islamic mysticism and African spiritual practices, have been adapted by women’s groups to help survivors reclaim agency, though these are often dismissed as 'superstitious' by secular humanitarian actors. In South Sudan, the *Dinka* and *Nuer* communities use cattle as symbolic reparations for sexual violence, a practice that challenges Western individualistic trauma frameworks by centering communal healing.

Scenario modeling by the *Clingendael Institute* (2023) suggests that without addressing the root causes of Sudan’s war—including foreign arms flows, climate-induced displacement, and neoliberal economic policies—the sexual violence crisis will escalate, with projections of 500,000+ survivors by 2026. A *feminist foreign policy* approach, as piloted by Canada and Sweden, could redirect military aid to women-led peacebuilding, but current U.S. and EU policies prioritize counterterrorism funding that exacerbates militarization. Alternative models, like the *African Union’s Women, Peace and Security Agenda*, emphasize local ownership but lack enforcement mechanisms, leaving gaps for armed groups to exploit.

Sudanese women with disabilities face triple discrimination, with 60% of sexual violence cases involving disabled women who are often excluded from aid distribution due to inaccessible shelters and stigma. LGBTQ+ Sudanese, already criminalized under Article 148 of the penal code, are systematically targeted by armed groups, yet their experiences are erased in mainstream narratives. Diaspora Sudanese women, such as those in the *Sudan Women’s Union UK*, have documented abuses via social media, but their reports are dismissed as 'biased' by pro-regime outlets. Indigenous women from the *Ingessana* and *Beja* communities report that their languages and knowledge systems are excluded from humanitarian data collection, further erasing their suffering.