Madagascar’s fisheries collapse reveals global neoliberal extraction patterns; community-led conservation offers systemic alternative

Rabearisoa’s approach mirrors Vezo *dina* systems that historically regulated fishing seasons and gear, but these are framed as 'informal' in Western science. The Vezo practice of *fady* (sacred prohibitions) on certain species or areas aligns with modern marine protected area logic, yet is dismissed as superstition. Indigenous knowledge of cyclical fish migrations (*fihavanana*) could inform climate-adaptive fisheries management, but remains excluded from policy debates.

French colonial marine reserves in the 19th century displaced Sakalava fishers to create 'pristine' areas for European leisure, mirroring today’s conservation-induced displacement. The 1990s IMF/WB structural adjustment programs privatized coastal zones, enabling foreign trawlers to deplete stocks while local fishers were criminalized for subsistence catches. Historical parallels exist in the Caribbean, where colonial marine tenure systems were replaced by export-oriented aquaculture, leading to similar collapses.

The Vezo *dina* system operates on principles of reciprocity and collective responsibility, similar to the *Rangatiratanga* (self-determination) framework in Māori fisheries management. In the Pacific, indigenous communities use *moana* (ocean) governance models that integrate spiritual and ecological dimensions, unlike Western 'sustainable development' which separates them. The Sama-Bajau of Southeast Asia practice 'reef guardianship' through oral traditions, demonstrating how cultural identity and marine stewardship are intertwined.

Peer-reviewed studies confirm that community-managed fisheries (*LMMAs*) in Madagascar show 50-80% higher biomass than open-access areas, contradicting the narrative of 'inefficient' local governance. Climate models project 30-50% decline in tuna stocks by 2050 in the Western Indian Ocean, yet most fisheries science still ignores traditional ecological knowledge in adaptation strategies. The 'tragedy of the commons' framing (Hardin, 1968) has been debunked by Elinor Ostrom’s work, yet persists in policy circles.

Vezo oral traditions (*kabary*) encode ecological knowledge through poetic metaphors linking fish behavior to ancestral will, a form of 'science as art.' Malagasy *hira gasy* (folk theater) performances often dramatize the consequences of breaking *fady*, serving as a living archive of conservation ethics. The act of pausing a PhD to return to ancestral lands mirrors global Indigenous movements like the Standing Rock protests, where spiritual practice and direct action converge.

Scenario modeling by the FAO suggests that scaling community-managed fisheries in Madagascar could restore 60% of depleted stocks by 2040 while increasing protein security for 2 million people. Climate projections indicate that strengthening *dina* systems could buffer against ocean warming by preserving biodiversity hotspots. Alternative futures include corporate 'blue carbon' schemes displacing communities, or a return to indigenous-led governance—with vastly different outcomes for equity and resilience.

Vezo women, who contribute 60% of small-scale fishing labor, are systematically excluded from decision-making in both state and NGO-led conservation projects. Youth in coastal communities face a 'double bind'—either migrate to cities or join illegal fishing for foreign fleets due to lack of economic alternatives. The narrative erases the voices of Malagasy scientists like Rabearisoa, whose work challenges the dominance of Western conservation paradigms in academia.