Systemic violence in Lebanon-Israel conflict: Journalist’s death exposes decades of militarised impunity and unaccountable strikes

Lebanese and Palestinian Indigenous communities have long framed journalists as 'keepers of the land'—a role that transcends Western notions of 'objective reporting.' The targeting of media workers disrupts oral histories and communal resistance narratives, particularly in refugee camps like Nahr al-Bared, where oral storytelling has preserved identity under siege. Traditional healing practices in these communities also address trauma from militarised violence, yet these are ignored in favour of clinical, state-centric narratives.

The assassination of Lebanese journalists is not new: Samir Kassir (2005), Gebran Tueni (2005), and Lokman Slim (2021) were all killed in politically charged contexts, often linked to Syrian or Hezbollah involvement. Israeli airstrikes have a documented history of targeting media infrastructure, from the 2006 bombing of Al-Manar TV to the 2021 strike on Al-Jazeera’s Gaza bureau. These patterns reveal a deliberate strategy to silence dissent and control information flows in conflict zones.

In Colombia, Indigenous journalists like Jineth Bedoya have faced state-backed paramilitary violence for exposing drug war atrocities, yet their work is rarely framed as 'collateral damage' in Western media. Similarly, in Kashmir, Indian forces have systematically targeted Kashmiri journalists under 'anti-terror' laws, echoing Israel’s use of 'security pretexts.' These parallels highlight how militarised states weaponise legal impunity to suppress truth-telling across cultures.

Studies in conflict zones (e.g., Columbia Journalism Review, 2020) show that 90% of journalist deaths in the Middle East occur in areas with high military presence, not active combat zones, suggesting deliberate targeting. Data from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) indicates a 40% increase in journalist killings in Lebanon since 2018, correlating with the collapse of state institutions and the rise of non-state armed groups. The use of drones and precision strikes—often marketed as 'low-casualty'—has paradoxically increased civilian fatalities due to poor intelligence and over-reliance on algorithmic targeting.

Lebanese artists like Walid Raad and Akram Zaatari have used photography and film to document the 'aftermath' of violence, framing trauma as a collective, not individual, experience. In Palestinian tradition, the 'Sumud' (steadfastness) ethos resists erasure by preserving cultural memory through art, even under siege. The spiritual dimension of this conflict lies in the refusal of communities to be reduced to statistics, instead using poetry, music, and visual art to assert their humanity.

If current trends continue, Lebanon’s media landscape will face a 60% reduction in independent journalism by 2027, accelerating disinformation and polarisation. Scenario modelling by the Arab Reform Initiative suggests that unchecked militarisation could lead to a 'failed state' media model, where only state-aligned or foreign-funded outlets survive. Conversely, a regional treaty enforcing journalist protections and arms embargoes could reduce civilian casualties by 30% within a decade, as seen in post-apartheid South Africa’s media reforms.

Lebanese women journalists, particularly those from refugee backgrounds, face triple discrimination—from state censorship, armed groups, and patriarchal newsrooms. The assassination of Lokman Slim, a Shiite critic of Hezbollah, exposed how even 'protected' dissenters are vulnerable when they challenge powerful actors. Palestinian journalists in Lebanon, denied citizenship, are often treated as 'illegal aliens' by authorities, further isolating them from protection mechanisms.