Madagascar’s Gen Z protests suppressed by post-coup militarisation: systemic repression of dissent amid neocolonial resource control

Malagasy indigenous governance systems like *fokonolona* (village assemblies) historically resolved conflicts through consensus, contrasting with the military’s violent repression of dissent. The coup regime’s targeting of Gen Z activists mirrors colonial-era suppression of *mpanjaka* (traditional leaders) who resisted land grabs for plantations, revealing a continuity of extractive violence. Indigenous land defenders in the nickel-rich regions of Toliara and Androy face parallel repression, yet their struggles are erased in favour of urban-centric narratives.

The 2025 coup follows a pattern of military interventions in Madagascar since independence (1960), often tied to resource control: the 1972 coup ended French neocolonial rule, while the 2009 coup facilitated Rio Tinto’s ilmenite mining in Fort-Dauphin. Gen Z protests echo the 1947 Malagasy Uprising, where youth and peasants united against French rule—only to be massacred with Western support. Structural adjustment loans in the 1980s-90s dismantled state institutions, creating the conditions for today’s militarised governance.

African youth movements (e.g., *Balai Citoyen* in Burkina Faso, *Le Balai Citoyen* in Senegal) show how protests are often the last resort when institutions are captured by elites tied to foreign capital. In Latin America, indigenous-led resistance (e.g., Ecuador’s 2022 protests) demonstrates how extractive industries provoke cross-generational alliances against state violence. The Malagasy case reflects a global pattern where Gen Z activism is criminalised as 'radical' while state violence is framed as 'order maintenance'.

Research on authoritarian consolidation in resource-rich states (e.g., Ross, 2012) shows how militarisation correlates with commodity booms, as elites use repression to secure foreign investment. The IMF’s 2023 Extended Credit Facility for Madagascar (USD 300M) included austerity measures that reduced public sector wages, fueling protest—consistent with evidence on IMF-induced instability (Kentikelenis et al., 2016). Digital repression tactics (e.g., internet shutdowns) align with global trends documented by the *Digital Society Project*.

Malagasy *baiboho* (traditional lamentation songs) historically mourned state violence, while modern *kabary* performances by Gen Z activists blend ancestral oratory with meme culture to evade censorship. The *famadihana* (turning of the bones) ritual—where ancestors are reburied to seek guidance—has been reimagined in protest art as a metaphor for reclaiming Madagascar’s future from neocolonial ghosts. Spiritual leaders like Catholic Archbishop Désiré Tsarahazana have condemned the coup, framing it as a moral failure, but their calls are ignored by the military regime.

If repression continues, Madagascar risks a feedback loop where economic contraction (due to mining-led growth) fuels further protests, justifying deeper militarisation—a scenario resembling Venezuela’s 2010s crisis. Alternative pathways include debt-for-nature swaps to fund civic space, or a regional African Union intervention under the *African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance*. Digital resistance could evolve into decentralised governance models, as seen in blockchain-based DAOs emerging in other African contexts.

Women activists like Rina Randriamasimanana (co-founder of *Femmes en Action*) face gendered repression, including sexual violence, yet their roles are sidelined in mainstream coverage. Rural communities in mining zones (e.g., Androy’s *Mikea* forest dwellers) are forcibly displaced for nickel projects but lack access to international platforms. Disabled Gen Z protesters, such as those in wheelchairs from the 2023 protests, are targeted with extrajudicial killings, highlighting intersectional vulnerabilities.