Palestinian municipal elections reflect fragmented governance amid Israeli occupation and war legacy

Palestinian traditional governance, such as the *mukhtar* system and communal land trusts (*musha'*), historically balanced local autonomy with collective decision-making, but Israeli policies have systematically dismantled these structures. The current electoral process reflects a top-down imposition of a state-like framework that ignores Indigenous communal land tenure systems, which have sustained Palestinian villages for centuries despite occupation. The dominance of Fatah-linked lists in these elections mirrors the erosion of Indigenous self-determination under colonial frameworks, where external powers dictate the terms of governance.

This is the first municipal election since the 2023-2024 Gaza war, but it follows a pattern of fragmented Palestinian governance since the Oslo Accords (1993-1995), which divided the West Bank and Gaza into isolated cantons. Historical parallels include Algeria’s 1958 municipal elections under French colonial rule, where elections were used to legitimize collaborationist structures while excluding the FLN. The absence of Hamas echoes how colonial powers often exclude resistance movements to present a facade of 'moderate' governance, as seen in South Africa’s apartheid-era elections.

In many Indigenous societies, municipal governance is not solely electoral but rooted in communal consensus and land stewardship, a model that Palestinian villages historically practiced before Israeli land confiscations. The absence of Hamas in these elections mirrors how colonial powers often exclude resistance movements to legitimize collaborators, a pattern seen in Algeria during its struggle against French rule. South African townships under apartheid similarly saw municipal elections dominated by state-aligned factions, while resistance movements operated in parallel structures.

Studies on post-conflict governance (e.g., Paris 2004; Autesserre 2010) show that municipal elections in occupied territories often reinforce existing power structures rather than enable democratic transformation. Research on Palestinian political fragmentation (e.g., Roy 1995; Khalidi 2020) highlights how Israeli occupation policies—settlement expansion, movement restrictions, and military raids—systematically undermine Palestinian institutions. The dominance of Fatah-linked lists aligns with findings that in asymmetric conflicts, elections often favor factions aligned with occupying powers or international donors.

Palestinian art and poetry, such as Mahmoud Darwish’s works, often depict municipal governance as a site of both resilience and erasure, where Israeli checkpoints and settlements fragment communal spaces. The absence of Hamas in these elections resonates with the spiritual concept of *sumud* (steadfastness), where resistance is not just political but embedded in daily communal practices. The electoral process itself is often framed in Palestinian cultural narratives as a performative act under occupation, where participation is both a statement of defiance and a negotiation with imposed systems.

If current trends continue, these elections may further entrench Fatah’s dominance while failing to address the root causes of Palestinian fragmentation—Israeli occupation, settler expansion, and the Gaza blockade. A more inclusive model could involve parallel municipal structures in Gaza and the West Bank, with international pressure to end occupation policies that distort governance. Scenario planning suggests that without addressing structural violence, these elections will remain performative, reinforcing donor-dependent governance rather than genuine self-determination.

The elections exclude Hamas, but also marginalize independent candidates, women, and youth, who are often sidelined in favor of established factions. Palestinian Bedouin communities in Area C of the West Bank, facing forced displacement due to Israeli policies, are entirely absent from the electoral process. The framing also ignores the voices of Palestinian citizens of Israel, who face systemic discrimination and are barred from participating in these municipal elections, despite living under the same occupation.