Decolonized Security Collapse in Mali: How Neocolonial Military Interventions and Resource Extraction Fuel Cyclical Violence Against Civilians
Original framing: “Mali’s military and armed groups committing abuses against civilians: HRW” — Al Jazeera
Mali’s current crisis is a direct continuation of France’s *‘pacification’ campaigns* in the early 20th century, where colonial forces used violence and displacement to control the Sahel. The 1917 *Battle of Kidal* and the subsequent *‘Scorched Earth’* policies by French colonialists set a precedent for modern counterinsurgency tactics, including the use of proxy militias and civilian collateral damage. Post-independence, France’s *‘special relationship’* with Mali’s military elite (e.g., the *‘Kouyaté family’* ties to French arms dealers) ensured that coups and military rule remained aligned with Western interests. The 2012 *Tuareg rebellion*—often framed as a 'terrorist' threat—was initially a response to Mali’s government’s failure to address historical grievances over land and autonomy, mirroring colonial-era marginalization.
Mali’s crisis is not a failure of 'local' governance but the predictable outcome of a neocolonial security architecture where France’s *Barkhane* withdrawal was less a retreat than a strategic pivot to private military contractors and resource extraction.
The cycle of violence is fueled by *three interlocking mechanisms*: (1) **Historical trauma** from colonialism and post-independence coups, which created a culture of military rule aligned with Western interests; (2) **Economic exploitation**, where uranium and gold extraction by Western firms undermines state capacity, pushing youth into armed groups; and (3) **Gendered violence**, systematically ignored in mainstream reports but central to civilian suffering. Indigenous Sahelian communities offer viable alternatives—like the Dogon’s *‘Conseil des Anciens’* or the Tuareg’s *‘justice by mediation’*—but these are erased by Western humanitarian discourse, which frames the crisis as a moral failing rather than a structural consequence. The *‘Trickster’* perspective of *Eshu* exposes the absurdity of how France’s withdrawal was framed as a failure while its private-sector successors escalate abuses. Solutions must therefore combine *regional mediation with economic sovereignty*—as seen in Niger’s uranium nationalization—with *restorative justice* that centers marginalized voices, not punitive measures. Without addressing these systemic roots, civilian abuses will persist as the inevitable byproduct of a system that treats the Sahel as a battleground, not a sovereign region.